Commodity loan programs in the United States
are one of the major domestic support programs, and
have been in existence in various forms since the
1930s — primarily covering major field crops.
Different versions of these programs, over time, have
been designed to provide different benefits to
producers, and have addressed different policy goals.
The policy goals and program benefits have included
price support, income support, price stability, and
short-term liquidity. The future direction of
commodity loan programs will depend, in part, on the
combination of policy goals that are to be achieved by
the programs.
Commodity Loan Programs — Price Supports
and Marketing Loans
Commodity loan programs have operated in two
major ways. Commodity loan programs supported
market prices over most of their history, starting in
1933. In the past 15 years, however, marketing loan
provisions have been added to commodity loan
programs for major field crops. Marketing loans
The U.S. Commodity Loan Program
Paul C. Westcott, Economic Research Service, USDA
A.L. (Roy) Frederick, University of Nebraska
provide income support to farmers, but do not support
market prices.
Loan Program Operation
Commodity loan programs allow producers of
designated crops to receive a loan from the
government at a crop-specific loan rate per unit of
production by pledging production as loan collateral.
A farmer may obtain a loan for all or part of a new
crop at any time following harvest through the
following March or the following May, depending on
the crop. However, most loan placements occur
shortly after harvest, when prices tend to be
seasonally low, providing short-term financing to
farmers.
Before marketing loans were introduced
(discussed later), to repay the loan, the farmer would
return the loan principal plus accrued interest
charges. Alternatively, the farmer could choose to
settle the loan at the end of the loan period by keeping
the loan proceeds and forfeiting ownership of the loan
collateral (the crop) to the government. If market
prices were below the loan rate, the farmer would
benefit from settling the loan this way and keeping the
higher loan rate.
Additionally, if market prices were above the loan
rate but below the loan rate plus interest, keeping the
Introduction
loan proceeds and forfeiting the crop would make
economic sense because the alternative of repaying
the loan plus interest would cost more than the
market value of the crop. Price support to the sector
was provided by the acquisition of crops by the
government through loan program forfeitures
combined with restrictions on CCC sales, essentially
removed crops from the marketplace when prices
were low.
The addition of marketing loan provisions
changed the operation of commodity loan programs.
Marketing loans were implemented for rice and
upland cotton in 1986 under the provisions of the 1985
Farm Act. Starting in 1991, subsequent legislation
made marketing loans available for soybeans and
other oilseeds. Marketing loans for wheat and feed
grains were implemented starting with 1993 crops,
under the GATT trigger provisions of the Omnibus
Budget Reconciliation Act of 1990. The 1996 Farm
Act continued marketing loans for all of these crops.
With marketing loans, loan placements may occur
as described earlier under nonrecourse loan
provisions. However, as implemented, marketing loan
provisions allow farmers to repay commodity loans at
less than the original loan rate (plus interest) when
market prices are lower. This feature decreases the
loan program’s potential effect on supporting prices
by reducing governmental stock accumulation through
forfeitures. Instead, farmers are provided economic
incentives to retain ownership of crops and sell them
(hence the term “marketing loan”) rather than forfeit
ownership of crops to the government to settle loans.
Producers can receive marketing loan benefits in
two different ways: through the loan program and
through direct loan deficiency payments. Under the
loan program, farmers place their crop under loan, as
described earlier, by pledging and storing some of
their production as collateral for the loan, and
receiving a per-unit loan rate for the crop. Rather
than repaying the full loan, farmers are allowed to
repay at a lower loan repayment rate when market
prices are below the loan rate (plus interest).
Marketing loan repayment rates are based on
local, posted county prices (PCPs) for wheat, feed
grains, and soybeans, or the prevailing world market
price for rice and upland cotton. When a farmer
repays the loan at a lower posted county price or
prevailing world market price, the difference between
the loan rate and the loan repayment rate (the
marketing loan gain) represents a program benefit to
producers. In addition, any accrued interest on the
loan is waived.
Alternatively, farmers of crops covered by the
loan programs (except extra-long staple cotton) may
choose to receive marketing loan benefits through
direct loan deficiency payments (LDPs) when market
prices are lower than commodity loan rates. The
LDP option allows the producer to receive the
benefits of marketing loans without having to take out,
and subsequently repay, a commodity loan. The LDP
rate is the amount by which the loan rate exceeds the
posted county price or prevailing world market price
and, thus, is equivalent to the marketing loan gain that
farmers could obtain for crops under loan. If an LDP
is paid on a portion of the crop, that portion cannot
subsequently go under loan.
Comparison of Marketing Loans vs. Price-
Supporting Loan Programs
The switch in the way that commodity loan
programs have been operated, moving from price-
supporting programs to marketing loans, results in
important differences in effects on commodity
markets. While both alternatives provide support to
farmers’ revenues, this is accomplished through
significantly different policy mechanisms.
Price-supporting Loans
With price-supporting loans, market prices are
directly supported at the loan rates because the
government accumulates stocks through loan
forfeitures when market prices are below the loan
rate, effectively removing supplies from the
marketplace. Program costs reflect the full loan rate
being paid to farmers on a portion of the crop. Costs
associated with acquisition and storage of these
stocks also add to the agricultural program budget.
Production is increased as farmers base planting
decisions on program-supported prices (equal to the
loan rate). Overall economic efficiency is reduced
because of this misallocation of resources. Although
there is an increase in production, prices are not free
to respond because excess production goes into
stocks with the government’s effective purchase of
supplies at the loan rate. Thus, market demand faces
prices that are held higher than they would otherwise
be. This not only means that domestic market
demands see higher prices, such as higher market
prices for feed that increase production costs to
livestock producers, but that U.S. exports to
international markets are at higher prices, thereby
reducing U.S. competitiveness in global trade and
encouraging increases in foreign production.
In subsequent years, the government sells or
releases stocks when prices are higher, keeping
prices from rising further, but also extending market
impacts over a longer time period. Although this
imposes further distortions to the marketplace, effects
are in the opposite direction to those that occur in the
lower-price years when the government accumulates
stocks. As a result, government stock accumulation
in low price years and stock release in higher price
years may contribute to some reduction in multi-year
price variability. Also, while effects of price
supporting loan programs may extend over a longer
period of years, multi-year cumulative impacts on
total supply may be largely offsetting.
Marketing Loans
In contrast, program benefits under marketing
loans are provided through an income transfer rather
than through a price support. Per-unit revenues to
producers are supported but market prices are not.
Government budgetary costs are largely through
direct payments to farmers and costs of net loan
activity (including marketing loan gains), but there are
not significant governmental stockholding costs. In
contrast to price-supporting loans with costs reflecting
the full loan rate paid on part of the crop, marketing
loan costs reflect a portion of per-unit revenues (the
gap between the loan rate and the market price)
potentially paid on the full production of the crop.
As for price-supporting loans, production is
increased as farmers base planting decisions on net
returns that reflect program benefits. However, for
marketing loans, net returns reflect part of the
revenues coming from the marketplace and part from
the government in the form of the marketing loan
benefit (either a marketing loan gain or a loan
deficiency payment). Again, economic efficiency is
lowered because of the resulting misallocation of land
and other resources. With marketing loans, the
government does not remove production from the
marketplace through stock accumulation, so the
increase in production results in prices in the
marketplace being allowed to decline.
Impacts on equilibrium levels of quantities
demanded largely reflect market adjustments to the
higher production and lower prices. In domestic
markets, lower market prices for feeds, for example,
benefit livestock producers by reducing their
production costs. Foreign demand is influenced by
factors such as income, prices, and exchange rates.
Thus, the reduction in prices due to marketing loans’
impact on production pushes U.S. exports higher,
reflecting increased competitiveness in global trade.
In contrast to price-supporting loans, effects of
marketing loans occur mostly in years when
marketing loan benefits exist. While there may be
small dynamic carryover effects to subsequent years
through marginally higher private-sector stockholding,
there is no substantial release of government-held
stocks as can occur with price-supporting loans. As
a consequence, production impacts in low price years
are not offset in later periods. Thus, while marketing
loan distortions are more focussed in years of
marketing loan benefits, multi-year impacts on supply
are likely larger than for price-supporting loans.
Market prices are more variable than with a price-
supporting loan program, but per-unit revenues to
producers are increased.
Looking Towards the Future: Operating
Provisions Important
Other provisions are also important for the
operation of commodity loan programs, whether
implemented as price-supporting loans or as
marketing loans. For example, there is a wide range
of potential procedures for setting loan rates. Rates
could be pre-determined in agricultural legislation or
they could be allowed to vary across years, based on
formulas that use historical market prices, for
example. If set by formulas, they could be subject to
caps, as in the 1996 Farm Act. Additionally, the
Secretary of Agriculture could be given varying
amounts of discretionary authority for rate setting.
Commodity loans could apply to all or part of a
crop. For several decades, loans generally have been
available on all production from land enrolled in
programs. If loan programs cover less than full
production, any of several qualifying factors could be
used to determine eligibility, such as program yields or
other historical measures of production or acreage.
Other issues relative to commodity loans also
could be addressed in the forthcoming farm bill
discussion. Are current relative loan rates among
commodities, such as corn and soybeans,
appropriate? Equally important to some producers,
can loan-rate differences between counties,
especially adjacent counties in different states, be
made more equitable? To what extent do WTO
obligations impose limits on loan rates and commodity
loan programs?
A number of policy options are possible with
respect to commodity loans. In general, the options
are to: 1) retain marketing loans (within the structure
of nonrecourse loans), 2) revert back to a system of
strictly nonrecourse loans, or 3) eliminate all loan
programs.
However, two other possibilities deserve brief
mention. First, recourse loans (sometimes called
advance recourse loans) could be authorized.
Recourse loans require repayment of the full cash
value of a loan plus interest. Such loans cannot be
satisfied by forfeiting collateral (a stored commodity)
to the government. In most situations, recourse loans
would not be expected to have much of an impact on
commodity prices or farm income, and government
costs would be minimal. Farmers might have an
interest in recourse loans if interest rates or other loan
terms were more favorable than could be obtained in
the private sector. This assumes, of course, that
neither marketing loans nor nonrecourse loans were
available.
Another possibility is to reimplement a multi-year
loan program, perhaps along the lines of the old
Farmer Owned Reserve program. This option is
discussed in depth in another paper in this series. At
least some impacts of such a program, such as
reducing price variability, would be expected to be
similar to nonrecourse loans. An important
difference, however, is that impacts under a multi-
year loan program would be spread over a longer
time period.
Consequences of the general loan program
policy options are discussed for 1) farmers and
ranchers, 2) agribusinesses, 3) consumers, 4)
taxpayers, 5) the environment and 6) rural
communities. The time frame for consideration of
consequences is an “intermediate” period, perhaps
one or two years into the future.
Consequences for Farmers and Ranchers
Marketing loans support farm incomes, not
commodity prices. As a result, marketing loans are
associated with greater price variability than would be
expected with nonrecourse loans. Moreover, to the
extent that marketing loans encourage production
even when prices are low, price variability under this
option may be greater than if loan programs were
eliminated.
Elimination of loan programs probably would
result in a more efficient allocation of resources.
Both nonrecourse loans and marketing loans
encourage capital and other resources to be
committed to production, even when supply-demand
conditions are unfavorable. The higher the loan rate,
the greater the tendency for inefficient allocation of
resources to occur. Moreover, because some
agricultural resources (land and equipment) have few
alternative uses, resources tend to stay in agriculture
for long periods of time, even if used inefficiently.
Resource distortions also occur because
producers may be inclined to plant crops offering
loans rather than other crops. Moreover, even among
program crops, relative differences in loan rates can
distort normal market forces. For example, in recent
years, soybean loan rates appeared to have been high
Policy Options
and
Consequences
enough relative to corn loan rates and market prices
to encourage additional soybean production.
Compared to nonrecourse loans, marketing loans
put a greater premium on producer marketing skills,
especially when commodity prices are below loan
rates. The fact that many producers opt to take loan
deficiency payments (LDPs) rather than placing
crops under loan and do so shortly after harvest adds
to the marketing skills needed later in the season.
(Early acceptance of an LDP ends government loan
program involvement with that portion of a farmer’s
production and may be problematic if cash prices
drop before commodities are marketed.) However,
an advantage of both marketing loans and LDPs
compared to nonrecourse loans is that producers are
not required to keep a commodity in storage for 9-10
months during low-price periods to receive full
benefits of the program. If loan programs were
eliminated, producers might seek out additional
opportunities in the private sector to reduce risk.
Both marketing loans and nonrecourse loans may
impact the structure of the production sector. On one
hand, the income or price safety net provided by loans
could help keep smaller farms in business.
Alternatively, loans could encourage larger farmers to
expand. Marketing loans, in particular, have too short
a history to draw any structural conclusions.
Consequences for Agribusinesses
Input suppliers should be relatively indifferent as
to whether nonrecourse loans or marketing loans are
used. Either way, producers of eligible crops receive
cash-flow protection, an important factor for those
who sell inputs. On the other hand, input suppliers
might worry if no loan programs were offered — the
extent of this concern would vary depending on the
availability of other public and private income
stabilization programs.
Other things equal, agribusinesses that store and
process commodities want to purchase these
commodities at the lowest possible price. At first, this
might seem to favor marketing loans or the
elimination of loan programs over nonrecourse loans.
However, either of the first two options also leaves
commodities more vulnerable to upward price spikes.
In the end, many processors value steady commodity
supplies at moderate prices. Because they operate
value-added businesses, a steady-as-you-go approach
often works best. In short, nonrecourse loans may be
favored over either of the other alternatives.
Consequences for Consumers
First buyers of crops supported by commodity
loans may have different preferences with respect to
the two types of loans. For example, foreign buyers
may respond favorably to lower prices offered under
marketing loans, especially if the price makes U.S.
supplies more competitive with those offered
elsewhere in the world. In the United States,
livestock feeders typically want the lowest possible
feed prices.
In contrast, a domestic flour miller (a first-buyer
consumer and an agribusiness, as in the discussion
above) may be mostly interested in obtaining a steady
supply of a certain class of wheat. Purchases at the
lowest possible price may be less important and, in
fact, generally stable prices may be preferred.
Consumer preferences at the retail level with
respect to marketing or nonrecourse loans could go
either way. If commodities were expected to be
plentiful much of the time, it would be logical for
consumers to prefer marketing loans over
nonrecourse loans. After all, marketing loans allow
commodity prices to dip below loan rates in periods of
ample supplies. In contrast, greater stability offered
by nonrecourse loans may be preferable if commodity
prices were otherwise expected to vary widely.
Consequences for Taxpayers
One of the advantages traditionally identified for
marketing loans is that they eliminate much of the
government’s potential carrying costs (interest,
storage, risk of the commodity going out of condition)
associated with nonrecourse loans. However, when
nonrecourse loans are replaced by marketing loans,
some loan program costs shift from consumers to
taxpayers because market prices are not supported.
Consequences for the Environment
Beginning with the 1985 Farm Act, marketing
loans and nonrecourse loans generally have been
available only to producers who engage in good
conservation practices. Additionally, over a longer
history ending in 1995, eligibility for loans often
depended on taking a certain percentage of land out
of production and devoting it to conserving uses.
Typically, this would be the poorest land on a farm.
Thus, both marketing loans and nonrecourse loans
tend to be associated with enhanced conservation of
natural resources. Elimination of loans could have a
negative impact on the environment.
Consequences for Rural Communities
Many rural communities depend heavily on
farmers and related agribusinesses for their economic
sustenance. To the extent that marketing and
nonrecourse loans enhance farm incomes, rural
communities benefit as well. Farm leaders typically
base a significant part of their requests for
government support on the desirability of maintaining
rural communities.
Nonrecourse and marketing loans have been
perhaps the single most-used provision of agricultural
commodity programs, dating back to farm legislation
in the 1930s. Thus, the alternative of eliminating loan
programs would be a significant departure from the
commodity policy setting of the past century. The
alternatives of nonrecourse loans alone or augmented
with marketing loans have some similarities but also
significant differences, with impacts over a wide
spectrum of parties and for an extended period of
time.
Concluding
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